Sunday, February 3, 2008

Complicity "THE LONG-PROMISED DAY?"

Originally posted on DarronSmith.com on 2004-10-06

"THE LONG-PROMISED DAY?
COMPLICITY

By Jay Stirling

JAY STIRLING has lived in Provo, Utah since age eight. He currently attends Brigham Young University, majoring in international area studies. He has been called to serve in the Switzerland-Geneva Mission and will enter the Missionary Training Center in August 2002.

This is the first column in a new SUNSTONE series devoted to discussing race, racism, and social commentary in the Church. The series, “The Long-Promised Day?”, draws its title from the wording of the letter announcing the 1978 revelation extending the promise of priesthood to every worthy male Church member. It is posed in the form of a question, quietly asking if this day has really arrived, because many Latter-day Saints, just like many other good people, still unconsciously harbor prejudicial thinking. It is my conviction that an open, frank discussion of race, class, and gender issues is critical if we as Latter-day Saints hope to be—and I believe we can—a light unto the world by helping all of God’s children unlearn the evils of discrimination, including the prejudice that masks itself as indifference. This first essay in the series features reflections from Jay Stirling, a former student of mine from the African American Experience course I taught at Brigham Young University Fall 2001.
DARRON SMITH
column editor

S U N S T O N E
PAGE 52 JULY 2002

EARLIER THIS YEAR, I was at an acquaintance’s house watching a basketball game between the University of Utah and Brigham Young University. Out of two dozen players, only one was black, so I guess it was natural for some of the guys to comment on the lone African-American. They didn’t describe him by his name, position, or even his number—rather he was “nigga,” and when that wasn’t funny enough he became “coon.” I wish I could say that I said something to contradict those ignorant and insulting statements, but I just sat there, uncomfortable. I talked to a few others afterward. They, too, had been taken aback by how freely the racial slurs had flowed. But they hadn’t rebutted anything either.

After the game, we returned to our BYU dorms, and I doubt any others in our group gave even a second thought to what had been said. But I did. I felt guilty for letting those poisonous words and the ideas behind them go uncontested. But I also know that guilt is not productive. So instead I wrote this essay.

THROUGH “The African-American Experience,” a class I took last semester, I have come to realize racism is much more intricate and dangerous than simple statements of bigotry. “Whiteness theory” explores the complex characteristics of racism in America. Whiteness can be defined in one word: privilege. Being white allows me to shop at a record store without being followed by a suspicious clerk. Being white allows me to apply for any job and know that if I don’t get that job, I wasn’t qualified. It was not because of my skin color. Being white also allows me to be silent about matters of race. Journalism professor Robert Jensen observes that “the ultimate white privilege” is “the privilege to acknowledge you have an unearned privilege but ignore what it means.”1

Racism is dynamic, always evolving, finding expression in slavery, in segregation, and, as it does now, in “political correctness.” In some ways, the current face of racism is even more dangerous than its predecessors. Slavery and segregation were overt, but the “PC” concepts of meritocracy and colorblindness are insidiously subtle agents of whiteness.

The notion of meritocracy is the proclamation that the most-qualified people will succeed in a situation because they are the most-qualified. This notion is particularly powerful because it is tied to patriotism. It testifies to the ability of the rugged individualist to triumph. It is at the heart of the classic rags-to-riches success story that all entrepreneurs seemingly have hardwired in their brain. Members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints are particularly susceptible to the myth of meritocracy because it is paralleled in LDS doctrine that salvation through Jesus Christ can come only to those who have given a total effort to keeping his commandments.

The term colorblindness has recently begun to be applied to name the subliminal notion at work when we whites proclaim that when we see others, we “don’t see colors, we just see people.” Often, the underlying tone of such statements is that we see people of color as, in effect, “honorary white persons” or as “white-persons-in-training.” Audrey Thompson, professor of education, culture, and society at the University of Utah, observes that this kind of racism never questions the ground of racial meaning-making. Treating non-whites as honorary whites assumes the normative status of whiteness. Extending whiteness to others reinscribes whiteness as the norm. It assumes that racism is a problem connected to blackness or brownness, so that blackness and brownness must be erased before racism will disappear.2

Colorblindness is critical to the dominant discourse because it allows the dominants to maintain the pretense they are fighting racism by not making race an issue.

AS I studied U.S. history in school, my teachers always stressed the basic notion that “in the United States, anyone can be president.” At home, my parents always said that I could become anything I wanted. Those messages were reinforced in the children’s books I read and the television programs I watched—I could do anything in this world if I simply worked for it. What I have learned, though, is there is a caveat to such statements: “…if you’re white.”

For example, before BYU, I attended public schools. During my time there, I worked with state-of-the-art computers and equipment. I was able to enroll in advanced and honors classes, and while still in high school, I was able to take college-level classes for credit. Although there was ethnic diversity at most schools I attended, the demographics of those advanced classes were far from diverse—I studied with whites and was taught by whites. At a young age, I was diverted into an environment where the people around me had similar backgrounds—white and usually middle-class. Such an arrangment facilitated and enhanced my education because we had the same basic cultural symbols and vocabulary.

I can say that I went to school with African-Americans, Latinos, Pacific Islanders, and Native Americans, for we used the same building, but I can’t say I studied in an integrated school.

But how might this picture look from a different perspective? Just as I was labeled and tagged early in my education, so were the “other” students. My African-American classmates were put into remedial classes because they “just aren’t as bright as the other students.” The unspoken code was that Latino students required heavy-handed school discipline because “there isn’t any in their home lives.” And although at the end of our senior year, we were all handed diplomas that looked the same, a large gulf separated the value of those diplomas. I can say that I went to school with African-Americans, Latinos, Pacific Islanders, and Native Americans, for we used the same building, but I can’t say I studied in an integrated school.

Now I attend a private and selective university, which accepted me based on my “success” in high school. When I graduate, I’ll go to a job interview. I’ll wear a black suit and sit across a desk from another white man. I’ll probably remind him of himself when he was younger. He may even have a daughter he’d like me to meet. He’ll glance over my resume and then set it aside and start asking me questions meant to reveal my personality. It will turn out that we will have much in common. He’ll give me a hearty handshake and tell me to expect a call in a few days. This potential employer will then interview a black man. He will offer superficial pleasantries and then pore over this man’s resume. After a few moments of awkward silence, the interview will begin. It will be brief and cool, a little contrived. Later, when the employer must decide who to hire, he’ll look over the resumes again. My rival may have a higher GPA than I, and maybe even more job experience. But I will be hired because of my “intangibles.”

THROUGHOUT our course on the experience of African-Americans, my classmates and I journeyed through history, politics, economics, and pop culture. Our final assignment was a research paper analyzing one of the themes from the class. A few of us wanted to do a project involving interviews and first-person narratives. And our concept proved so popular that all but one class member became involved. We ultimately chose to investigate racism in the Genesis Branch, a predominantly black branch of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints that meets in Salt Lake City.

Like other Church groups, the Genesis Branch holds worship services consisting of hymns, prayer, discourse, and testimony. It has Relief Society for women, age-specific groups for teenagers and young adults, and Primary for children. Outside of worship services, it also hosts activities designed to nurture friendships among members. Genesis Branch convenes once a month, and group members also belong to geographic wards.

As we began our project, we hypothesized that blacks who attended Genesis were likely meeting intolerance or finding a lack of acceptance in their home wards. We thought we would hear horror stories of bigotry that would reveal underlying racism in the Mormon community. And though our study did reveal that Genesis serves as a haven of sorts for attendees, most of our interviews revealed another theme. Or, to be more exact, the dearth of certain perceptions revealed another theme. Surprisingly, most of those we interviewed felt uncomfortable and often downplayed or evaded our questions about the Church as a racialized environment, and some simply did not see any racism within the Church setting.

A white member of the group said, “Sometimes I do feel different, but I don’t think we look at each other like ‘there’s a black person, there’s a white person.’ Maybe we did initially, but I don’t think we look at each other like that now.”

Many members seemed to think that race didn’t matter at all at Genesis. Many felt the ideal ward would not recognize race as significant. A woman from Barbados said, “Until all differences are wiped out, not just race, handicapped, or whatever, it will be difficult to understand.” One male participant essentially bore his testimony of the universality of the Gospel. Just two or three interviewees thought racism remained a problem. Most responses were colorblind and/or evasive.

It may seem very unusual for a person of color to seemingly propagate a discourse that keeps his or her segment of society oppressed, as some members of Genesis seem to be doing. However, Church doctrine and rhetoric greatly emphasizes obedience to gospel principles and leaders. Though this concept is not specific to Mormonism, it nevertheless creates an atmosphere that does not naturally lead to questions or critiques of Church policies and practices. Furthermore, from a demographic standpoint, the Church in North America has mostly middle-class white members. We who fall in this category have a heavy investment in the dominant discourse. It allows us to maintain our privileged place in society.

Consequently, the few African-Americans who join the Church are not likely as predisposed to ask critical questions about race as are their counterparts who attend all-black churches (as 95 percent of African- Americans in this country do) or those who do not enjoy the comforts of the middle class. Nevertheless, when people of color support the dominant discourse or colorblind theories, they are unknowingly being complicit in their continued disadvantage.

I LOVE the Church, and I believe in the gospel. I am committing the next two years of my life to spreading that gospel and helping others gain the same knowledge I have. The issue of racism in the Church is not related to doctrinal concepts, rather to the social culture that surrounds those precepts. One of the Church’s catchphrases is to be “in the world, but not of the world.” Whiteness and its social construction of race is a concept that is of the world. And unfortunately that also makes some of the Church’s actions in the racial arena “of the world.” The Church is a vehicle for the greatest truths for humans to understand, but it has also become an unwitting vehicle for a great mistruth as well. And it has nothing to do with the divinity of the Church. This is about the pervasive nature of the dominant discourse and its sinister ability to flow through any institution. We as Church members are fond of our title as a “peculiar people.” Now is the time for us to once again prove that peculiarity by adopting a theory of race that is far different than that of most of the rest of the world.

NOTES

1. Robert Jensen, “White Privilege Shapes the U.S.,” Baltimore Sun, 19 July 1988, 1C.
2. Audrey Thompson, “Colortalk: Whiteness and Off White,” Educational Studies 30 (Summer 1999):141–60.

The Persistence of Racialized Discourse in Mormonism

Originally posted on DarronSmith.com on 2004-09-29

S U N S T O N E

Twenty-five Years after the Revelation—Where Are We Now?

THE PERSISTENCE OF RACIALIZED
DISCOURSE IN MORMONISM
By Darron Smith

JUNE 2003 WILL MARK THE TWENTY-FIFTH Anniversary of the announcement by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints that all worthy male members, regardless of race, are eligible for priesthood ordination. The 1978 declaration created a moment of great hope and optimism within the Church, and many assumed this revelation would usher in a new era of success in proselytizing among African Americans. However, the promise of a quarter-century ago has only partially been realized. This is because the Church has not done enough to remake its racist past and present in such a way as to coincide with its mission to teach, preach, fellowship, and retain African Americans.

Projects designed to fully embrace African-American saints will meet with difficulties, I believe, until each of us recognize just how persistent and pervasive racism in U.S. society is. It is present in virtually every facet of life, including the workings of religious organizations. So, even though the priesthood ban was repealed in 1978, the discourse that constructs what blackness means is still very much intact today. Under the direction of President Spencer W. Kimball, the First Presidency and the Twelve removed the policy that denied blacks the priesthood but did very little to disrupt the multiple discourses that had fostered the policy in the first place. Hence there are Church members today who continue to summon and teach at every level of Church education the racial discourse that blacks are descendants of Cain, that they merited lesser earthly privilege because they were “fence-sitters” in the War in Heaven, and that, science and climatic factors aside, there is a link between skin color and righteousness. A complete disruption of these discourses will require a rearticulation of Church history and an understanding of how that past interrelates with secular racial history. Further, a greater number of black voices will need to be heard in leadership and scholarly settings, where, with sensitivity and without the threat of censorship or sanction, they can communicate ways the now-defunct ban continues even today to create for African-Americans a position of “less-than” in Church spaces.

RACISM is is articulated in multiple and complex ways. The popular perception of racism is that, either by word or deed, racists commit acts of aggression against someone of another race. The problem with this definition is that it assumes only individuals are implicated in racist practices whereas institutions are not—or, if they are, it is usually in isolated incidents. This notion that racism is a function of the individual keeps us from understanding the larger reality of racism as discourse in which social actors perform racial scripts in numerous ways.

For instance, many of us are familiar with slavery, sharecropping, Jim Crowism, segregation, and more subtle enactments of institutionalized racist practices. These are historical events that, thankfully, have been repudiated in the presentday United States, yet the racial perceptions about the “other” that underwrote each of these practices have yet to disappear. So instead of overt racism, most of today’s racial discourse operates in the way individuals, groups, and organizations interact with each other. In other words, how we see ourselves is, to a greater or lesser extent, through the prism of race. Race is not limited only to bodies and skin color, but extends to ideas, values, and beliefs that are held as “normative.” The primary locus of racism at this level is found in the privileging of one group over another. Typically in the United States, whiteness emerges as the preferred prism through which people come to appreciate history, art, literature, and popular culture, and which underwrites much that takes place in the justice system, as well as in business, education, housing, and health care.

In my graduate work in the field of cultural studies, I have found the dichotomy of blackness/whiteness to be helpful in unveiling how racialized discourse influences notions of power and privilege. Blackness and whiteness can be thought of as classifications that have been historically determined through social relations based on oppression, repression, and, to some extent, “progress.” So the construction of blackness as “other” in the Church was not an anomaly, especially given the overlapping secular racist discourses that were endemic in U.S. society—the way in which blackness was named by whiteness. For example, just as today whiteness constructs the idea of black urban spaces as dangerous, sexual, and drug-infested, whiteness in the Church also defined blackness as cursed. Until very recently, black people have not been able to name themselves (which may explain the seeming fixation of the black community to continually represent itself). Since their earliest contact with Africans, Europeans have represented blackness in a number of ways ranging from criminality and fear to myths about hypersexuality and about exceptional abilities in music and athletics.

The seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries produced many ideas about the black body through a regime of pseudoscientific truth.1 During the eighteenth century, for example, black slaves in North America were construed as threefifths a person—chattel property without souls. Such a notion about blackness provided a basis for many whites to justify the inhumane treatment of black slaves. The power of language also enabled academic disciplines to embrace assumptions about black peoples’ so-called inferior values, mores, and behaviors. And whiteness, as the fortunate opposite of blackness and its negative attributes, became firmly established as “normative.” 2

Not surprisingly, early LDS leaders were influenced by many of those ideas about blackness. Pseudo-scientific literature regarding the inherent status of blacks was abundantly available and even found its way into Church publications such as the Millennial Star, Times and Seasons, and Juvenile Instructor.3 But, unfortunately, some leaders went further in portraying blackness in explicitly negative terms by adding a theological layer that implied these inferior characteristics and status were Godgranted or, at least, God-approved. The key element in this theological mix was the adoption of the idea (prevalent during the time it was appropriated) that God “marked” Cain with blackness and “cursed” him so that he would forever be persecuted. Early leaders extended this to mean Cain and his descendants would never hold the priesthood and taught that this mark and curse continued even after the flood through Canaan, Ham’s son through his wife Egyptus, whose descendants were believed to be the negroid races.4 Further anchoring the early LDS appropriation of negative notions concerning blackness are several Book of Mormon teachings that associate dark skin with that which is vile, filthy, and evil, and white skin with that which is delightsome, pure, and good. A metaphorical reading of darkness as representing that which is loathsome is harmful enough, but many leaders taught that this as a literal fact, that God could and sometimes would darken the skin of those who fell out of his favor, and vice versa.5

Although African-Americans are not usually imagined to be among those who are the descendants of the Book of Mormon Lamanites, it is instructive to look briefly at some of the discourse in just this past half-century concerning this literal interpretation of the skin-color/God’s-favor link. In our lifetime, it has not been uncommon to hear Church members speak about “rescuing” the Lamanite (meaning Native American) population from its own spiritual demise. Numerous scriptural references in the Book of Mormon articulate that the Gentile/white population is supposed to take the gospel to the Lamanite people (Morm.5:15; 7:8), and many members take as literal the Book of Mormon passages that hint that the skin of Lamanites will whiten as they accept the gospel (Jacob 3:8; 3 Ne. 2:15). Spencer W. Kimball, the Church president who received the revelation that repealed the ban on black men holding the priesthood, manifested great concern for Native Americans during his long tenure as an apostle. Speaking in the October 1960 General Conference, he made a statement that was seen as powerful advocacy for this dispossessed minority but which also illustrates how language can powerfully inscribe color consciousness: I saw a striking contrast in the progress of the Indian people today. . . . For years they have been growing delightsome, and they are now becoming white and delightsome as they were promised. . . . The children in the home placement program in Utah are often lighter than their brothers and sisters in the hogans on the reservation.6

ONCE IDEAS, EVEN erroneous ones, become internalized to where they work as the lenses through which we unconsciously view the world, it takes a great deal of effort to make them conscious again. And, to some degree, black people in the Church agree or accept—at least partially—the traditional discourse on black spiritual demise; otherwise they would not join. I did not find out about the priesthood ban on blacks until after I joined the Church, and, sadly, I passed on much of the folklore while serving an LDS mission in Michigan. Looking back on that experience, I venture to say that had I known about such teachings in the Church, I might not have joined. I remain a member currently because of my faith in the Church’s basic doctrines and my hope that a more thorough change will occur to undo the traditional racial discourse on blacks still being perpetuated in many corners of the Church. It is not enough to change a social practice, policy or mandate without pushing through the arduous task of rearticulating the discourse that helped to create it.


I did not find out about the priesthood ban on blacks until after I joined the Church, and I passed on much of the folklore while serving a mission in Michigan. Looking back on that experience, I venture to say that had I known about such teachings in the Church, I might not have joined.

Many Church members suppose that their leaders are inspired on virtually all matters, including race. But it is impossible for white people, even prophets, to really know blackness unless they develop relationships with blacks that move beyond mere acquaintance, peer, co-worker, or fellow ward member. Without many meaningful intimate relationships with the racialized “other,” how else can we move beyond the profound distortions brought on by the long-standing discourse and the warp of privilege? Even some of the LDS intellectuals who hail discourse on race and speak on those issues summon many of their notions from white sources and cultural spaces. Many seem to me to be cultural tourists, yet they are often called upon to give their “expert” analysis of blackness, just as most official discourse in the Church about the roles and divine nature of women is articulated by men. There is not nearly enough speaking from black spaces that can offer a different interpretation of reality.

Blackness as a discourse that embodies social practice must be reconfigured to provide a different construction of knowledge and truth. Blacks and whites must find new ways of creating mutual cooperation and unity in the Church, and blacks must be given more freedom to speak from the full range of their experience, not just from those experiences that fit comfortably within the predominant discourse. Otherwise, that discourse will never change. Blacks who do move toward Mormonism should not be made to feel that blackness is synonymous with curses, marks, or indifference. And this can be accomplished only by a formal repudiation, in no uncertain terms, of all teachings about Cain, the pre-mortal unworthiness of spirits born to black bodies, and any idea that skin color is connected to righteousness.

NOTES

1. Immanuel Kant, “On the Different Races of Man.” Found in This is Race: An Anthology Selected from the International Literature on the Races of Man (New York: Schuman, 1950); David Hume, Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding (Buffalo, New York: Prometheus Books, 1988); John Locke, Two Treatises on Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), chap. 1–6.

2. Some scholars have applied the term “regime of truth” to refer to this type of discourse. For example, much work done in anthropology, sociology, medicine, and law has created a way of talking about race that has inhibited access by many people of color to certain economic, housing, medical, and educational resources. For instance, even as legal scholars discuss the need for the law to be “colorblind,” they are actually acknowledging how “color conscious” it really is. And in popular culture, blacks have been represented as inclined toward criminal behavior, which, in turn, has had wide-reaching effects on criminal conviction rates. Biologists have argued that skin, bone, and hair are linked to all sorts of genetic characteristics, and such ideas have often been used to try to fix and secure human difference. The fallout from such constructions is that many members of racial groups “stay” within their own spaces because of the way these disciplines (law, anthropology, sociology, biology, and religion) have constructed and legitimized these differences. Thus the term “regime of truth” speaks to the fact that the concept of race is far more a social construction than a biological one, and that the term “race” is less a description than an instrument of power.

3. See Latter-day Saint Millennial Star 15 (1853):422, 20 (1858):278; Times & Seasons 4:375–76, 5:395, 6:857; Juvenile Instructor 3 (1868):142.

4. Interestingly, the Ku Klux Klan is one of the few “religious” groups who still teach that blacks descended from Ham. And although not actively perpetuating the doctrine through official channels, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints, unlike many world traditions, has not sufficiently distanced itself from this folklore nor the extension by certain lds leaders that blacks descend not only from Ham but from Cain as well.

5. The primary scriptural basis for this teaching is 2 Ne. 5:21.

6. Spencer W. Kimball, Conference Reports (Oct. 1960): 32–34.



DARRON SMITH is a lecturer in sociology at Utah Valley State College and Brigham Young University, and he is currently completing doctoral work at the University of Utah in education, culture, and society. He is co-editor, with Newell Bringhurst, of Blacks and Mormons: Race in an American Church, (forthcoming, University of Illinois Press).

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Daily Herald: Perspectives on the priesthood revelation

Originally posted on DarronSmith.com on 2004-10-04

archive.harktheherald.com/archive_detail.php?archiveFile=./pubfiles/prv/archive/2003/June/08/LocalCity/4521.xml

Excerpt from Daily Herald June 8, 2003

Darron Smith, co-editor of the forthcoming work "Blacks and Mormons: Race in an American Church, " suggests LDS leaders should step forward to clear the air. Smith, who is black, recently wrote:

"Blacks who do move toward Mormonism should not be made to feel that blackness is synonymous with curses, marks, or indifference. And this can be accomplished only by a formal repudiation, in no uncertain terms, of all teachings about Cain, the pre-mortal unworthiness of spirits born to black bodies, and any idea that skin color is connected to righteousness. "

Herald: UVSC plans week of events honoring Black History Month

Originally posted on DarronSmith.com on 2004-09-28

archive.harktheherald.com/archive_detail.php?archiveFile=./pubfiles/prv/archive/2003/February/17/LocalArts/16883.xml
Excerpt from Daily Herald Newspaper February 17, 2003

Darron Smith, program co-chair and assistant to the vice president of academics at UVSC, said he sees first-hand the need for programs such as this in the valley.

"There's a dearth of African-American culture in this community, " said Smith, who is black. "What the larger community really knows about black culture is from the media, how the media portrays blacks. " Those portrayals are often stereotypical, he said.

"We'd like to offer a different perspective on black culture, " he said. "By all means, these events don't really encapsulate the fulness of black culture, but they certainly give a snapshot of what blacks have had to deal with, particularly in the past 40 years, post-Civil Rights Movement. "

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Daily Utah Chronicle: Mormons Discuss Racial Inequality

Originally posted on DarronSmith.com on 2004-09-24

Excerpt from Daily Utah Chronicle

"Mormons try to excuse the racial discourse that goes on within their society, and that, to me, is very troubling," said Darron Smith, a BYU professor in the education, culture and society department.

However, Smith also said the racist mentalities some Mormons hold are typical of most of the American population.

"Mormons are no more prejudiced or racist than anyone else in the country...the notions and representations Mormons in Utah have of minorities in Utah come from socially constructed representations they see on TV," he said.

www.dailyutahchronicle.com/news/2003/01/15/News/Mormons.Discuss.Racial.Inequality-345480.shtml

Deseret News: Black Mormons say life better since 1978

Originally posted on DarronSmith.com on 2004-09-24

Excerpt from Deseret News Sunday, May 25, 2003.

Darron Smith, who is compiling a book exploring black Latter-day Saint experience, said he believes the church is slow-growing in the United States and South Africa because both nations have a history of slavery and racism. The "character and tone" of the past are very different in other nations, he said.

www.deseretnews.com/dn/view/0,1249,505035583,00.html

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Darron Smith interviewed on CBS Affiliate KUTV

Darron Smith is interviewed about his new book "Black and Mormon" .



*** Unofficial Transcript***

KUTV Channel 2 News, CBS Affiliate
News broadcast
September 23, 2004

ANCHORMAN: Good evening everyone. Equal opportunities for blacks in the LDS Church?

ANCHORWOMAN: One BYU instructor says it is still a problem. Dan Rascon live at BYU
tonight. Dan, whose the instructor and what are his claims?

REPORTER: Well Mark and Michelle, the instructor is Darron Smith and this is the name of
his book right here ""Black and Mormon."" He's a part-time sociology teacher here at BYU
and he doesn't mince words in this book and he stands by what they have to say.

DARRON SMITH: ""We are still struggling with these notions of race.""

REPORTER: Darron Smith, a BYU sociology instructor, is talking about his new book ""Black
and Mormon."" A 186 page volume that's sure to stir up emotions about racial attitudes in
the LDS Church.

SMITH: ""Many of the members continue to remind me and other blacks that we were at one
point cursed. I don't think that they do it maliciously, but they are simply summoning
ideas about blacks that they have heard, they've read about, or that has gone through the
rumor mill.""

REPORTER: Smith says this book isn't about an angry member who has a chip on his shoulder,
but rather it's about educating the LDS faithful about blacks.

SMITH: ""We got to be more sensitive, more tolerant, more understanding, more learned
about the racial histories in our society. If I had it my way, I would make it a part of
the curriculum.""

DR. CARNELL JACOBSON: ""There is still a lot of racism.""

REPORTER: Dr. Carnell Jacobson, a BYU sociology professor, who wrote his own book on
minorities in the (LDS) church agrees with Smith, in fact he wrote chapter 6 in Smith's
book.

JACOBSON:""I'd like to see more white members read about blacks and to know more about
black history.""

REPORTER: But both men know that they have a big challenge ahead of them to get their
message out, especially Smith who realizes this book could create some controversy for him
at BYU.

SMITH: ""I shouldn't have to take any jabs. I mean, I should be able to talk about the
sorts of things that I want to talk about that are important to the black community as it
pertains to furthering the mission of the (LDS) Church.""

REPORTER: Now the book is being published by the University of Illinois Press.
It hits the bookshelves next week and pretty much going across the nation. Now Smith is
still obviously a very faithful LDS member. He says he loves the church, he supports the
church, but just feels like members need a bit more history on blacks in the LDS Faith.
Mark and Michele back to you.

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